... the new council would be to deal with those issues as they arose.
Questions concerning the legal status of the Caspian Sea and related disputes came to the fore with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the emergence of the newly independent states of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, the Russian Federation, and Turkmenistan. Until then, commerce and navigation on the Caspian were regulated by bilateral agreements between the USSR and Iran, at the time the only two coastal states bordering the Caspian, with third parties actively discouraged ...
... journalists and anyone interested in studying the future and analysing long-term global trends.
The opinions presented in these articles reflect the personal views and research positions of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Russian International Aairs Council.
RIAC scientific and editorial support:
I. Timofeev, Ph.D. in Political Science; T. Makmutov, Ph.D. in Political Science; I. Sorokina, M. Smekalova, R. Mayka; with participation of D. Khaspekova and N. Mukhin.
... the Caspian. To resolve the latter issue, by the way, the trilateral format is not enough, even under the most positive scenario, since Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan also claim their right for Caspian resources.
It should not be forgotten that in the Russia-Iran-Azerbaijan trio the last participant obviously loses to the other two in both political and economic power. For geographic reasons, Baku in this cooperation acts more as an indispensable intermediary between Tehran and Moscow, in their energy and logistics ...
... single CIS market. It appears that Ukraine is stepping up economic cooperation within the CIS to offset the losses suffered due to the termination of its cooperation with Russia.
Sergey Minasyan:
Hard Times for Multivectorism in Post-Soviet Space: Azerbaijan between Russia and the West
Initially, the CIS not only participated in economic activities, but also was actively involved in peacekeeping efforts such as putting an end to the civil war in Tajikistan or preventing another war in Abkhazia. While certain functions ...
... the Collective Security Treaty within the CIS in 1994 and, on the other hand, launching oil projects with Western companies did not bring balance either. Even though considerable oil resources could allow a more nuanced foreign policy strategy with Russia and the West (even considering the Turkish factor), in effect that did not happen. By April 1999, Azerbaijan withdrew from the CST, which then became a full-fledged organization, and chose GUUAM grouping in 1997 (established in NATO Washington Summit) as a format of its foreign policy coordination in the post-Soviet space — together with Ukraine,...
... incumbent Armenian government and its economy.
Armenia's decision to embrace closer ties with Brussels and to balance relations with Kremlin is stemming from Russia's decreasing reputation as an ostensible 'security guarantor' in Armenia, mostly due to: (1) Russia's arms export to Azerbaijan, which Armenia is in conflict with and (2) Russia's neutrality during the military escalation in the Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan in April 2016. Moreover, the impartiality of Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) on the protection ...
... as a desired intermediary (that was not the case in either Abkhazia or South Ossetia, at least during the early 2000s)
[6]
. Both Baku and Yerevan are interested in developing bilateral relations with Moscow outside the Nagorno-Karabakh settlement. Azerbaijan and Russia are brought together by their common border in Dagestan and by a series of threats, such as the spread of radical Islamism. Baku and Moscow also cooperate on a wide range of issues in the Caspian region. Armenia is a member of the Collective Security ...
... home” maxim, refreshed by the brilliant political scientist and President of the American Council on Foreign Relations Richard Haas in his book with the same title (Basic Books, 2013), will continue to apply to Armenia in its relations with not only Azerbaijan and Turkey, but also its major ally — Russia, and indispensable security partner — the Republic of Nagorno Karabakh.
The prevailing mood in Armenian society on any new deals with Azerbaijan or initiating (rather than responding to) a new rapprochement with Turkey have become highly ...
... hostilities spread from the territory of the self-proclaimed Nagorno-Karabakh Republic into Armenian territory, Moscow will face a tough dilemma: Either to shrink from meeting its obligations as an ally, which would deal a harsh blow to the prestige of Russia and the CSTO, or to risk a conflict with Azerbaijan. That’s why, from Moscow’s standpoint, it is necessary to maintain a balance between the parties in order to avoid an aggravation of the conflict. What’s more, arms supplies to Armenia as well as initiatives such as the establishment ...
... of Russian-Armenian relations.
The escalation in Nagorno-Karabakh was a serious challenge that jolted Armenia, gave a great impetus to the sociopolitical movement in the contended territory, and made people think about the role of Russia and of the Russian-Azerbaijani relations. Besides the authorities, there is also the public, and this factor also was probably discussed.
EPA/VAHRAM BAGHDASARYAN/PHOTOLURE
Michael Zolyan:
The Daredevils of Sasun
Moscow does not envision this conflict resolved through a ...
